Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic1 shadow we stand signed the Emancipation2 Proclamation. This momentous3 decree came as a great beacon4 light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering5 injustice6. It came as a joyous7 daybreak to end the long night of captivity8.
But one hundred years later, we must face the tragic9 fact that the Negro is still not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation10 and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing11 in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we have come here today to dramatize an appalling12 condition.
In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check which has come back marked "insufficient13 funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults14 of opportunity of this nation.
So we have come to cash this check -- a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.
We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate15 valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of God's children. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood16.
It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination of the Negro. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate17 discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.
Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening18 if the nation returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship19 rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.
But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred20.
We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate21 into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic22 heights of meeting physical force with soul force.
The marvelous new militancy23 which has engulfed24 the Negro community must not lead us to distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny and their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.
We cannot walk alone.And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue25 of travel, cannot gain lodging26 in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility27 is from a smaller ghetto28 to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty29 stream.
I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations30. Some of you have come fresh from narrow cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered31 by the storms of persecution32 and staggered by the winds of police brutality33. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.
Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair.
I say to you today, my friends, that in spite of the difficulties and frustrations34 of the moment, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.
I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed35: "We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal."
I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slaveowners will be able to sit down together at a table of brotherhood.
I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a desert state, sweltering with the heat of injustice and oppression, will be transformed into an oasis36 of freedom and justice.
I have a dream that my four children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.
I have a dream today.
I have a dream that one day the state of Alabama, whose governor's lips are presently dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, will be transformed into a situation where little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls and walk together as sisters and brothers.
I have a dream today.
I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted37, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked38 places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.
This is our hope. This is the faith with which I return to the South. With this faith we will be able to hew39 out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords40 of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.
This will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with a new meaning, "My country, 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim's pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring."
And if America is to be a great nation this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious41 hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania!
Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado!
Let freedom ring from the curvaceous peaks of California!
But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia!
Let freedom ring from Lookout42 Mountain of Tennessee!
Let freedom ring from every hill and every molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring.
When we let freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, "Free at last! free at last! thank God Almighty43, we are free at last!"
100年前,一位伟大的美国人——今天我们就站在他象征性的身影下——签署了《解放宣言》。这项重要法令的颁布,对于千百万灼烤于非正义残焰中的黑奴,犹如带来希望之光的硕大灯塔,恰似结束漫漫长夜禁锢的欢畅黎明。
然而,100年后,黑人依然没有获得自由。100年后,黑人依然悲惨地蹒跚于种族隔离和种族歧视的枷锁之下。100年后,黑人依然生活在物质繁荣翰海的贫困孤岛上。100年后,黑人依然在美国社会中间向隅而泣,依然感到自己在国土家园中流离漂泊。所以,我们今天来到这里,要把这骇人听闻的情况公诸于众。
从某种意义上说,我们来到国家的首都是为了兑现一张支票。我们共和国的缔造者在拟写宪法和独立宣言的辉煌篇章时,就签署了一张每一个美国人都能继承的期票。这张期票向所有人承诺——不论白人还是黑人——都享有不可让渡的生存权、自由权和追求幸福权。
然而,今天美国显然对她的有色公民拖欠着这张期票。美国没有承兑这笔神圣的债务,而是开始给黑人一张空头支票——一张盖着“资金不足”的印戳被退回的支票。但是,我们决不相信正义的银行会破产。我们决不相信这个国家巨大的机会宝库会资金不足。
因此,我们来兑现这张支票。这张支票将给我们以宝贵的自由和正义的保障。
我们来到这块圣地还为了提醒美国:现在正是万分紧急的时刻。现在不是从容不迫悠然行事或服用渐进主义镇静剂的时候。现在是实现民主诺言的时候。现在是走出幽暗荒凉的种族隔离深谷,踏上种族平等的阳关大道的时候。现在是使我们国家走出种族不平等的流沙,踏上充满手足之情的磐石的时候。现在是使上帝所有孩子真正享有公正的时候。
忽视这一时刻的紧迫性,对于国家将会是致命的。自由平等的朗朗秋日不到来,黑人顺情合理哀怨的酷暑就不会过去。1963年不是一个结束,而是一个开端。
如果国家依然我行我素,那些希望黑人只需出出气就会心满意足的人将大失所望。在黑人得到公民权之前,美国既不会安宁,也不会平静。反抗的旋风将继续震撼我们国家的基石,直至光辉灿烂的正义之日来临。
但是,对于站在通向正义之宫艰险门槛上的人们,有一些话我必须要说。在我们争取合法地位的过程中,切不要错误行事导致犯罪。我们切不要吞饮仇恨辛酸的苦酒,来解除对于自由的饮渴。
我们应该永远得体地、纪律严明地进行斗争。我们不能容许我们富有创造性的抗议沦为暴力行动。我们应该不断升华到用灵魂力量对付肉体力量的崇高境界。
席卷黑人社会的新的奇迹般的战斗精神,不应导致我们对所有白人的不信任——因为许多白人兄弟已经认识到:他们的命运同我们的命运紧密相连,他们的自由同我们的自由休戚相关。他们今天来到这里参加集会就是明证。
我们不能单独行动。当我们行动时,我们必须保证勇往直前。我们不能后退。有人问热心民权运动的人:“你们什么时候会感到满意?”只要黑人依然是不堪形容的警察暴行恐怖的牺牲品,我们就决不会满意。只要我们在旅途劳顿后,却被公路旁汽车游客旅社和城市旅馆拒之门外,我们就决不会满意。只要黑人的基本活动范围只限于从狭小的黑人居住区到较大的黑人居住区,我们就决不会满意。只要我们的孩子被“仅供白人”的牌子剥夺个性,损毁尊严,我们就决不会满意。只要密西西比州的黑人不能参加选举,纽约州的黑人认为他们与选举毫不相干,我们就决不会满意。不,不,我们不会满意,直至公正似水奔流,正义如泉喷涌。
我并非没有注意到你们有些人历尽艰难困苦来到这里。你们有些人刚刚走出狭小的牢房。有些人来自因追求自由而遭受迫害风暴袭击和警察暴虐狂飙摧残的地区。你们饱经风霜,历尽苦难。继续努力吧,要相信:无辜受苦终得拯救。
回到密西西比去吧;回到亚拉巴马去吧;回到南卡罗来纳去吧;回到佐治亚去吧;回到路易斯安那去吧;回到我们北方城市中的贫民窟和黑人居住区去吧。要知道,这种情况能够而且将会改变。我们切不要在绝望的深渊里沉沦。
朋友们,今天我要对你们说,尽管眼下困难重重,但我依然怀有一个梦。这个梦深深植根于美国梦之中。
我梦想有一天,这个国家将会奋起,实现其立国信条的真谛:“我们认为这些真理不言而喻:人人生而平等。”
我梦想有一天,在佐治亚州的红色山岗上,昔日奴隶的儿子能够同昔日奴隶主的儿子同席而坐,亲如手足。
我梦想有一天,甚至连密西西比州——一个非正义和压迫的热浪逼人的荒漠之州,也会改造成为自由和公正的青青绿洲。
我梦想有一天,我的四个小女儿将生活在一个不是以皮肤的颜色,而是以品格的优劣作为评判标准的国家里。
我今天怀有一个梦。
我梦想有一天,亚拉巴马州会有所改变——尽管该州州长现在仍滔滔不绝地说什么要对联邦法令提出异议和拒绝执行——在那里,黑人儿童能够和白人儿童兄弟姐妹般地携手并行。
我今天怀有一个梦。
我梦想有一天,深谷弥合,高山夷平,歧路化坦途,曲径成通衢,上帝的光华再现,普天下生灵共谒。
这是我们的希望。这是我将带回南方去的信念。有了这个信念,我们就能绝望之山开采出希望之石。有了这个信念,我们就能把这个国家的嘈杂刺耳的争吵声,变为充满手足之情的悦耳交响曲。有了这个信念,我们就能一同工作,一同祈祷,一同斗争,一同入狱,一同维护自由,因为我们知道,我们终有一天会获得自由。
从到了这一天,上帝的所有孩子都能以新的含义高唱这首歌:
我的祖国,
可爱的自由之邦,
我为您歌唱。
这是我祖先终老的地方,
这是早期移民自豪的地方,
让自由之声,
响彻每一座山岗。
如果美国要成为伟大的国家,这一点必须实现。因此,让自由之声响彻新罕布什尔州的巍峨高峰!
让自由之声响彻纽约州的崇山峻岭!
让自由之声响彻宾夕法尼亚州的阿勒格尼高峰!
让自由之声响彻科罗拉多州冰雪皑皑的洛基山!
让自由之声响彻加利福尼亚州的婀娜群峰!
不,不仅如此;让自由之声响彻佐治亚州的石山!
让自由之声响彻田纳西州的望山!
让自由之声响彻密西西比州的一座座山峰,一个个土丘!
让自由之声响彻每一个山岗!
当我们让自由之声轰响,当我们让自由之声响彻每一个大村小庄,每一个州府城镇,我们就能加速这一天的到来。那时,上帝的所有孩子,黑人和白人,犹太教徒和非犹太教徒,耶稣教徒和天主教徒,将能携手同唱那首古老的黑人灵歌:“终于自由了!终于自由了!感谢全能的上帝,我们终于自由了!”
1 symbolic [sɪmˈbɒlɪk] 第8级 | |
adj.象征性的,符号的,象征主义的 | |
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2 emancipation [ɪˌmænsɪ'peɪʃn] 第8级 | |
n.(从束缚、支配下)解放 | |
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3 momentous [məˈmentəs] 第8级 | |
adj.重要的,重大的 | |
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4 beacon [ˈbi:kən] 第8级 | |
n.烽火,(警告用的)闪火灯,灯塔 | |
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5 withering [ˈwɪðərɪŋ] 第7级 | |
使人畏缩的,使人害羞的,使人难堪的 | |
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6 injustice [ɪnˈdʒʌstɪs] 第8级 | |
n.非正义,不公正,不公平,侵犯(别人的)权利 | |
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7 joyous [ˈdʒɔɪəs] 第10级 | |
adj.充满快乐的;令人高兴的 | |
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8 captivity [kæpˈtɪvəti] 第10级 | |
n.囚禁;被俘;束缚 | |
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9 tragic [ˈtrædʒɪk] 第7级 | |
adj.悲剧的,悲剧性的,悲惨的 | |
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10 segregation [ˌsegrɪˈgeɪʃn] 第8级 | |
n.隔离,种族隔离 | |
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11 languishing ['læŋgwiʃiŋ] 第8级 | |
a. 衰弱下去的 | |
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12 appalling [əˈpɔ:lɪŋ] 第8级 | |
adj.骇人听闻的,令人震惊的,可怕的 | |
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13 insufficient [ˌɪnsəˈfɪʃnt] 第7级 | |
adj.(for,of)不足的,不够的 | |
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14 vaults [vɔ:lts] 第8级 | |
n.拱顶( vault的名词复数 );地下室;撑物跳高;墓穴 | |
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15 desolate [ˈdesələt] 第7级 | |
adj.荒凉的,荒芜的;孤独的,凄凉的;vt.使荒芜,使孤寂 | |
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16 brotherhood [ˈbrʌðəhʊd] 第8级 | |
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17 legitimate [lɪˈdʒɪtɪmət] 第8级 | |
adj.合法的,合理的,合乎逻辑的;v.使合法 | |
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18 awakening [ə'weikəniŋ] 第8级 | |
n.觉醒,醒悟 adj.觉醒中的;唤醒的 | |
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19 citizenship [ˈsɪtɪzənʃɪp] 第9级 | |
n.市民权,公民权,国民的义务(身份) | |
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20 hatred [ˈheɪtrɪd] 第7级 | |
n.憎恶,憎恨,仇恨 | |
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21 degenerate [dɪˈdʒenəreɪt] 第7级 | |
vi.退步,堕落;vt.使退化;恶化;adj.退步的,堕落的;n.堕落者 | |
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22 majestic [məˈdʒestɪk] 第8级 | |
adj.雄伟的,壮丽的,庄严的,威严的,崇高的 | |
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23 militancy ['militɚnsi] 第7级 | |
n.warlike behavior or tendency | |
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24 engulfed [enˈgʌlft] 第9级 | |
v.吞没,包住( engulf的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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25 fatigue [fəˈti:g] 第7级 | |
n.疲劳,劳累 | |
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26 lodging [ˈlɒdʒɪŋ] 第9级 | |
n.寄宿,住所;(大学生的)校外宿舍 | |
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27 mobility [məʊˈbɪləti] 第8级 | |
n.可动性,变动性,情感不定 | |
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28 ghetto [ˈgetəʊ] 第11级 | |
n.少数民族聚居区,贫民区 | |
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29 mighty [ˈmaɪti] 第7级 | |
adj.强有力的;巨大的 | |
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30 tribulations [ˌtrɪbjəˈleɪʃənz] 第11级 | |
n.苦难( tribulation的名词复数 );艰难;苦难的缘由;痛苦 | |
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31 battered [ˈbætəd] 第12级 | |
adj.磨损的;v.连续猛击;磨损 | |
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32 persecution [ˌpə:si'kju:ʃən] 第7级 | |
n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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33 brutality [bru:'tæləti] 第7级 | |
n.野蛮的行为,残忍,野蛮 | |
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34 frustrations [frʌst'reɪʃnz] 第8级 | |
挫折( frustration的名词复数 ); 失败; 挫败; 失意 | |
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35 creed [kri:d] 第9级 | |
n.信条;信念,纲领 | |
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36 oasis [əʊˈeɪsɪs] 第8级 | |
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37 exalted [ɪgˈzɔ:ltɪd] 第10级 | |
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38 crooked [ˈkrʊkɪd] 第7级 | |
adj.弯曲的;不诚实的,狡猾的,不正当的;v.弯成钩形(crook的过去式和过去分词) | |
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39 hew [hju:] 第9级 | |
vt.&vi.砍;伐;削 | |
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40 discords [] 第8级 | |
不和(discord的复数形式) | |
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41 prodigious [prəˈdɪdʒəs] 第9级 | |
adj.惊人的,奇妙的;异常的;巨大的;庞大的 | |
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