As befits a gathering¹ deservedly known for having a high ratio of words to actions, the G20 wrapped up its meeting last weekend with a strong but ill-defined call to make globalisation and capitalism² work for the good of all.

周一闭幕的20国集团(G20)峰会发出了强烈但含混的呼吁：全球化和资本主义应造福所有人。这很衬一场有着言多于行之名的盛会。

Malcolm Turnbull, the Australian prime minister, spoke³ of the need to civilise capitalism; Christine Lagarde, head of the International Monetary⁴ Fund, said that growth had been too low for too long for too few.

澳大利亚总理马尔科姆•特恩布尔(Malcolm Turnbull)谈到了使资本主义文明化的必要性；国际货币基金组织(IMF)总裁克里斯蒂娜•拉加德(Christine Lagarde)表示，全球经济太长时间以来增长太慢，而且惠及的人太少。

They were reflecting a concern that the insecurities wrought⁵ by globalisation, particularly trade and migration⁶, were fuelling populist sentiment and with it a flight towards protectionism and xenophobia.

他们所表达的是这样一种担忧，全球化——尤其是贸易和移民——造成的不安全感正在加剧民粹主义情绪，随之兴起了一股转向保护主义和排外主义的潮流。

But few universally applicable solutions were offered.

但他们没能提出普遍适用的解决方案。

In a way, that is not surprising.

从某种程度上讲，这并不奇怪。

Not only are such concerns largely limited to a set of rich countries, but the answers that they demand will vary from nation to nation.

不仅此类担忧大都局限于一些发达国家，而且各国所需的解决方案也各不相同。

The globalisation of trade, technology and to some extent migration are widespread challenges, but there are no universal international solutions.

贸易、技术以及（某种程度上）移民的全球化是普遍存在的挑战，但对此没有国际通用的解决方案。

The response to globalisation must begin at home.

应对全球化挑战必须从各国国内做起。

To much of the world, the obsession⁷ with rising inequality and populism must look like western solipsism.

在许多国家看来，死揪住不平等加剧和民粹主义兴起的问题肯定很像一种西方唯我主义。

Thanks to the rise of emerging markets, modern globalisation has produced the first worldwide fall in inequality since the west’s industrial revolution.

得益于新兴市场的崛起，现代全球化带来了西方工业革命以来首次全球范围内不平等程度的下降。

There is little sign of a general shift towards populism across emerging markets, albeit⁸ many of them are starting off at a pretty high level.

几乎没有迹象表明新兴市场正在普遍转向民粹主义，尽管其中许多国家成立之初民粹主义高涨。

Even within the rich countries, the links between trade, technology and migration on the one side, and inequality and populism on the other, are by no means clear.

即便在发达国家，贸易、技术、移民与不平等、民粹主义这两组元素之间也不存在明确的关联。

In the UK, for example, migration and the hollowing-out of traditional manufacturing have widely been cited as reasons for the Leave vote in the Brexit referendum.

例如，在英国，移民与传统制造业空心化被广泛认为是人们在公投中选择退出欧盟的原因。

Yet income inequality in the UK has been pretty much flat since the early 1990s.

然而，英国的收入不平等程度自上世纪90年代初以来变化不大。

Still, the rise in inequality in many countries, in wealth as well as income, is incontrovertible.

然而，不能否认许多国家的不平等程度（包括财富和收入）正在加剧。

The problem is that it usually has a lot more to do with technology than trade, and not much at all with immigration.

问题在于，这通常更多是由技术而非贸易造成，与移民也关系不大。

Yet while politicians can address the latter two, they cannot do much about the first, unless they actually manage to ban automation or digitisation in their economies.

然而，虽然政客们可以解决后两个问题，但他们对技术却无能为力，除非他们能设法禁止本国经济中的自动化和数字化。

Moreover, the tools that bear directly on trade and movement of people, such as protectionism and strict limits on immigration, tend to do more harm than good.

此外，直接针对贸易和人口流动的措施——比如保护主义和严格限制移民措施——通常弊大于利。

Protecting one sector⁹ exposed to international competition tends to reduce efficiency and redistribute the pain elsewhere.

保护一个面临国际竞争的行业，往往会降低效率，并将危害转嫁到其他地方。

Each country’s solution must be tailored to its own conditions and what is politically possible.

每个国家的解决方案必须根据本国国情及政治可行性来具体制定。

But there are some useful principles to bear in mind.

但应牢记一些有益的原则。

Government policies towards the labour market are best directed at equipping workers for new occupations and cushioning the income impact of structural¹⁰ changes rather than trying to preserve all current jobs through stultifying¹¹ regulation.

劳动力市场政策最好应着眼于培训工人适应新岗位，缓解经济结构调整对收入的影响，而不是试图通过废除规章来维护当前所有工作岗位。

Rather than blocking immigration, help should be directed at local areas absorbing large numbers of new migrants, to ease the social impact.

不应阻止移民，而应把重点放在帮助本地区吸收大量新移民，以减缓对社会的冲击。

Complementing¹² money and legislation must come a new honesty among politicians about the nature of the problem and what can be done.

除了资金和立法，政客们必须拿出新的诚意，坦率说明问题的性质以及能够采取的措施。

Promising¹³ massive import tariffs¹⁴ or a wall with Mexico is easy.

誓言征收高额进口关税或者在美国与墨西哥之间修建隔离墙很容易。

Explaining that technology cannot be uninvented and that adjustment can be eased but not wished away is much harder.

但要说明已发明的技术抹杀不掉、经济结构调整能够加以舒缓但不会随主观愿望消失就不那么好解释了。

The G20 did not and will not produce a universal model for inclusive capitalism.

G20过去没有、将来也无法拿出一种包容性资本主义的通用模式。

But raising the issue at an international level may encourage individual governments to think harder about what they can achieve at home.

但在国际层面提出这一问题，或许能鼓励各国政府进一步思考本国能实现的目标。