On June 23, the British people decided to leave the EU. 6月23日，英国人民决定脱离欧盟(EU)。 I am sorry they did because I believe the UK belongs in Europe. 我很遗憾看到他们这么做，因为我认为，英国属于欧洲。 But I respect their choice. 但我尊重他们的选择。 I can think of nothing worse than suggesting their decision might be disregarded. 在我看来，没有什么比暗示他们的决定可以被忽略更糟糕。 The approaching political talks will be tough and the associated technicalities complex. 即将开始的政治谈判将非常棘手，相关的技术问题高度复杂。 Article 50, the mechanism for departing the EU, provides a two-year timeframe to reach an agreement, and failure to do so will result in automatic exit. 《里斯本条约》第50条(Article 50)是一个脱离欧盟的机制，它规定了两年的时间框架达成协议，如果未能达成协议将导致自动退出。 The question is whether the UK and its 27 partner nations will have enough time to reach a mutually satisfactory agreement enshrining most of the bond they already share, or be forced into a much harsher break-up. 问题在于，英国及其27个伙伴国有没有足够时间达成彼此满意的协议，载入它们已经在共享的大部分纽带，抑或被迫走向苛刻得多的分手？ Nobody knows the answer yet. 现在还没有人知道答案。 What does seem certain to me, however, is that these talks need to reach coherent outcomes. 然而，在我看来有一点似乎很确定：这些谈判需要达成连贯一致的结果。 Nobody can be in and out at the same time, or enjoy privileges without fulfilling responsibilities. 没有人能够同时处于联盟内和联盟外两种状态，或者在不履行责任的情况下享受特权。 This has absolutely nothing to do with retribution: it is simple logic. 这绝对与报复无关：这是简单的逻辑。 No European government could agree to grant the UK free access to the single market if Britain does not accept rules, duties and concessions, including the free movement of Europeans, in return. 如果英国不接受规则、义务和让步（包括接受欧盟公民自由移居英国），那么没有一个欧洲国家的政府可能同意赋予英国单一市场准入。 Respecting the British people’s choice also implies acknowledging that their doubts about the European project cannot be explained away as insular or idiosyncratic. 尊重英国人民的选择还意味着，承认他们对欧洲一体化的疑虑不能以岛国特性或特殊为借口搪塞过去。 Other European nations could have voted the same way given the chance, simply because the rift between Europe and its citizens is wider than ever before. 如果有机会，其他欧洲国家也可能这么投票，这完全是因为欧洲与其公民之间的鸿沟比以往任何时候都更大。 And yet the only way forward for Europeans in our globalised world — where competition is becoming ever fiercer, the challenges ever more complex and the threats more numerous — is to stand together. 然而，在我们这个全球化的世界（竞争变得越来越激烈，挑战越来越复杂，威胁变得更多），欧洲人唯一的出路是团结在一起。 Europe is still a profoundly modern idea but the European project as we know it has grown old. 欧洲在深远层面上仍是一个现代的构想，但我们所知道的欧洲一体化项目已呈现老态。 This is why I believe Europe needs an overhaul as well as reforms. 这就是为什么我相信欧洲既需要改革，也需要彻底整改。 First of all, this implies finally admitting that there is more than one Europe. 首先，这意味着最终承认，不只存在一个欧洲。 The Europe of the euro and the Europe of the 27-member union, for example, have different paths to follow. 例如，欧元的欧洲和27个成员国结盟的欧洲要遵循不同的道路。 The Europe of the euro needs to deepen its integration, under sound economic governance, once and for all. 欧元的欧洲需要以良好的经济治理为最高原则，一步到位地加深一体化。 The foundation for this was built during the crisis in 2010-11, when the European Stability Mechanism was created and eurozone summits began. 这么做的基础是在2010-11年危机期间奠定的，当时各方创建了欧洲稳定机制(European Stability Mechanism)，启动了欧元区峰会。 This Europe needs to take a few steps further, providing more permanent leadership for its eurozone summits, setting up a central secretariat to serve as Europe’s treasury, and turning the ESM into a fully fledged European monetary fund. 这个欧洲需要进一步迈出几步，为欧元区峰会提供更永久的领导机制、创建一个中央秘书处作为欧洲的财政部，同时把欧洲稳定机制转型为一个完全成熟的欧洲货币基金。 The other Europe, the 27-member union, should revert to its original duties — ensuring the domestic market operates smoothly and focusing on no more than 10 truly strategic issues, such as agricultural and industrial policy to stimulate growth; research policy, which needs to be bolder; competition policy, which needs to be less dogmatic; and trade policy founded on reciprocity. 由27个成员国组成的另一个欧洲应该回归其初始职责：确保内部市场平稳运行，同时关注于不多于10个真正战略性的问题，例如刺激经济增长的农业和工业政策；需要更加大胆的研究政策；需要降低教条程度的竞争政策；以及基于平等互惠的贸易政策。 Everything else is best left in the hands of member states. 其他所有问题最好交给成员国处理。 This enlarged Europe also needs to review the commission’s prerogatives, to prevent it from bypassing European and national lawmakers, and unilaterally stifling our entrepreneurs and our citizens with the technical constraints it inflicts on them. 这个扩大版的欧洲还需要重新审议欧盟委员会的特权，防止其绕过欧洲和各国立法者，单方面对我们的企业家和我们的公民施加技术限制，扼杀他们的自由。 Lastly, Europe needs a new immigration policy. 最后，欧洲需要一个新的移民政策。 It needs a new Schengen, shared immigration and asylum policies, and consistent employment laws regarding foreigners to end social dumping. 它需要一份新的申根协议(Schengen)、统一的移民和避难政策以及一致的外国人就业法律，以结束社会倾销。 Foreigners should not receive non-contributory benefits until they have completed five years’ residence. 外国人在居住满5年之前不应享受无需供款的福利。 We need to protect Europe’s borders effectively. 我们需要有效保护欧洲的边界。 We need to join forces to send those who have entered illegally back to their country of origin. 我们需要联合起来，把那些非法进入欧洲的人遣返到他们的原籍国。 We need to rank co-operation aimed at stemming illegal immigration among our foreign policy priorities. 我们需要把旨在阻止非法移民的合作列为外交政策重点之一。 Countries that re¬fuse to co-operate should be denied EU aid. 拒绝合作的国家应该失去获得欧盟援助的资格。 This must be combined with a European Marshall plan for Africa. 这必须与面向非洲的欧洲版马歇尔计划(Marshall plan)结合在一起。 In the meantime, I believe we should put accessions on hold, even in the case of countries that have grounds for joining, such as the Balkan states. 与此同时，我认为，我们应暂停批准成员国加入，即使对有理由加入的国家也是如此，例如巴尔干半岛国家。 And, as I have said before, I categorically oppose Turkey’s accession. 而且，正如我以前说过的那样，我明确反对土耳其入盟。 Once Europe emerges from its overhaul, it will be up to British leaders to decide whether to ask their people about joining the union again. 一旦欧洲完成彻底整改，英国领导人将可以决定是否询问他们的人民要不要再次加入欧盟。 The choice will be the British people’s to make, and theirs alone. 这将是英国人民做出的选择，而且只能是他们的选择。 Europe must not reform because it hopes to bring the UK back to the fold: it must embrace reform because its future and its survival depend on it; because reform is as urgent as it is vital. 欧洲肯定不能因为希望让英国回归而改革：它必须是因为自己的未来和生存有赖于改革而支持改革；因为改革既迫切又至关重要。